The demon is a mob, as well as the mob is demonic. The Democratic Party activates mobs, depends on mobs, coddles mobs, publicizes and celebrates mobs-it may be the mob. Sweeping in its scope and relentless in its argument, Demonic points out the peculiarities of liberals as standard groupthink behavior. To comprehend mobs is to understand liberals.

In her most provocative publication to day, Ann Coulter argues that liberals display all the psychological characteristics of a mob, for instance:

about Demonic: The way the Liberal Mob Is certainly Endangering America

Liberal Groupthink: “The same mob mentality leading otherwise law-abiding visitors to hurl stones at cops also network marketing leads otherwise intelligent people to refuse to believe anything they haven’t noticed on NPR.”

Liberal Techniques: “No matter how mad the program is-Fraternité, the ‘Brand-new Soviet Man,’ the Get better at Race, the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Trend, Building a Brand-new Culture, ObamaCare-a mob will believe it.”

Liberal Foes: “Instead of ‘counterrevolutionaries,’ liberals’ opponents are known as ‘haters,’ ‘those who seek to divide us,’ ‘tea baggers,’ and ‘right-wing hate organizations.’ Meanwhile, conservatives call liberals ‘liberals’-and that makes them testy.”

Liberal Justice: “In the world of the liberal, as in the world of Robespierre, a couple of no crimes, only criminals.”

Liberal Assault: “If Charles Manson’s fans hadn’t killed Roman Polanski’s wife, Sharon Tate, Clinton could have pardoned him, as well, and he’d probably be teaching at Northwestern College or university.”

Citing the daddy of mob mindset, Gustave Le Bon, Coulter catalogs the Left’s mob habits: the creation of messiahs, the fear of scientific innovation, the mythmaking, the preference for images over words, having less morals, and the casual embrace of contradictory ideas.

Coulter traces the history from the liberal mob towards the French Revolution and Robespierre’s revolutionaries (delineating an obvious differentiation from America’s founding fathers), who simply proclaimed that they were working out the “general will” before slaughtering their fellow citizens “for the nice of mankind.”

Similarly, as Coulter demonstrates, liberal mobs, from pupil radicals to white-trash racists to anti-war and pro-ObamaCare fans today, have consistently used violence to put into action their notion of the “general will.”

This isn’t the American tradition; it is the custom of Stalin, of Hitler, from the guillotine-and the tradition from the American Left.

As the heirs of the French Revolution, Democrats have a brief history that includes pandering to mobs, time and again, while Republicans, heirs towards the American Trend, have regularly stood for peaceable purchase.

Hoping to muddy this horrifying truth, liberals slanderously accuse conservatives of their personal crimes-assassination plots, conspiracy theorizing, politics violence, embrace of the Ku Klux Klan. Coulter implies that the truth is the opposite: Politics violence-mob violence-is usually a Democratic affair.

Surveying two centuries of mob movements, Coulter demonstrates the fact that mob is definitely always destructive. And yet, she argues, beginning with the civil privileges motion in the sixties, Us citizens have lost their organic, inherited aversion to mobs. Certainly, most Americans have no idea what they are actually dealing with.

Only by recognizing the mobs and their demonic nature can America begin to guard itself.